Dirty Work and Its Development

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Introduction

The aim if this assignment is to examine the development of the concept ‘dirty work’ situated in the academic literature (Ashofrt et al., 2007; Ashforth and Kreiner, 1999, 2014a, 2014b). Dirty work is identified with occupations that are regarded as socially tainted (Simpson et al, 2012). However taints are associated with physical, social attributes that create a specific identity to the individual or group of people (Shantz and Booth, 2014). The assignment identifies that since the early attempts by Hughes (1958) to identify the term recent research focuses on the moral, physical and social associations with dirty work. The assignment discusses the specific features identified within each of the different dimensions as well as the similarities and differences from each other.

Tainted Occupations

According to the early work by Hughes (1958) interpretation of dirty jobs are associated with tainted occupations in which there is some social stigma associated with the performing of the job (Selmi, 2012). For example, debt collectors or garbage collectors are associated with performing a job in which tasks are considered to be undesirable and hence attract lesser attention by people interested in this job (Mill and Schejbal, 2007). Moreover, it is suggested that such occupations are associated with some form of impact that can be perceived to be immoral or unacceptable. For example, debt collectors are able to claim ownership of one’s properties without having prior personal knowledge of the individual (Lopina, Rogelberg and Howell, 2012). They are only interested in fulfilling a task associated with gaining some type of monetary benefit. However, the occupation is associated to cause social impact on the person that is affected intensifying the taints associated with causing some negative trauma on the person (Frick, 2005). A similar example can be given on salespeople whose primary role is to increase sales. Identifying methods of presenting a product or service can make a difference for whether consumer buy into that product or service (Filteau, 2015). However, the possibility of the salesperson seeking to manipulate the emotions or understanding of the consumer for the fulfilment of a sale suggests that the monetary gain goes above and beyond what might be considered as socially or/and morally acceptable. However, despite the associated taint with the occupation the performing of a sales activity remains central to any business function. Hence, it is an indispensable part of the labour market and despite the negative connotations associated with it.

Physical, Moral and Social

According to Lai, Chan and Lam, 2013) tainted occupations can be divided between three main types, namely, physical, moral and social. The following section discusses the attributes associated with each type and how it developed over time.

Physical Tainted Occupations

According to Kreiner, Ashfort and Sluss, 2006) occupations that involve physical labour like builders, garbage collectors, street cleaning, garage mechanics, etc are associated with taints that are situated within the physical act of carrying out the job. However, an association with an entity that might be dirty is also identified with the identity of the people that carry them out but also with the status in society. Hence, it is suggested that the level of credibility or reliability in labouring jobs is often treated with suspicion because of the often false associations that people produce between the job and the person (Kreiner, Ashfort and Sluss, 2006). According to Dick, (2005) people that associate with dirty work develop different coping strategies for responding to the stigma associated with the job. For example, according to Ashforth et al. (2007), Ashforth and Kreiner (2014a, 2014b) individuals that deal with activities like burial/cremation identify a new level of normalization and accept that their job is an unavoidable aspect in society. Hence normalization is understood as the negotiation method by which individuals develop different accounts of meaning for how their job remain an integral part of society (Ashfort et al., 2007). However, such process is also identifies as an orientation towards self-identification and management. In particular, members are identifying and yet are trying to separate from the job. However, the issue currently discussed in the literature has to do with the associated taints generated from an occupation and how this might be changing through new forms of legitimation and which can include quality controls and certification (Bosmans, et al., 2016). Such process creates a new formal but also informal dialogue between the identity of specific occupations and society. By reframing the importance and necessity of the job and because of the physical necessity in performing the task the dirtiness is shifting to a necessity and also to higher salaries.

Moral Tainted Occupations

According to Ashforth et al (2007) moral occupations are associated to be symbolically dirty because of the methods with which the occupation is carried out. In particular Ashforth et al (2007:151) define morally tainted occupations as “those that are “regarded as somewhat sinful or of dubious virtue” (e.g., exotic dancer, personal injury lawyer, psychic) or are “thought to employ methods that are deceptive, intrusive, confrontational, or that otherwise defy norms of civility” (e.g., collection agent, tabloid reporter, bouncer)”.  Occupations often come to the boundaries of what is considered to be morally acceptable within society and these occupations challenge associated norms (Bickmeier, Lopina and Rogelberg, 2015). For example, abortion medical staff, debt collection agencies and exotic dancers, animal researchers, are some of the occupations associated with performing jobs that can be considered by some people to be immoral (Ashfort and Kreiner, 2014). For example, animal researchers seek to identify curing solutions for illnesses. However by experimenting with animals they are generating various forms of discomfort, pain and even death. Moreover, by creating terminal illnesses onto animals they are seeking to identify new drug development for the advance of wellbeing in society. Such occupations carry support but also opposition to the public contributing to the growing discourse, or even division, about the necessity of the occupations and the moral connotations to society. For example, in some countries like Switzerland, Hungary, Netherlands, Denmark, prostitution remains an acceptable practice (Selmi, 2012). The acceptability of this occupation is made in order to avoid additional social challenges where sex and drug trafficking is involved generating a more healthy climate of transparency (Shantz and Booth, 2014). However, prostitution is strictly prohibited in other countries in which there are different laws and policies are believed to safeguard the citizens’ wellbeing. According to Selmi, (2012) the degree with which an occupation is regarded to be moral or immoral is situated against the norms within a specific societal group. This means that occupations can be perceived differently and depending on the country in which they are practiced. Such view suggests that societies remain the entities that define and regulate how occupations develop over time and the types of standards that members need to meet in order to provide a legitimate service (Simpson et al., 2012).